My editor at Die Welt Am Sonntag just gave me permission to share the original English version of my essay. Enjoy.
The Science of Success: Why Parents
Should Push Their Kids Less, and Enjoy Them More
Bryan
Caplan
We worry about what a child will become tomorrow, yet we forget
that he is someone today.
-
Stacia Tauscher
Modern
parents see their children as their most important investments. They want their children to succeed in the
competitive world of the future - and know that success isn't cheap. Before your kids can succeed in the world of
work, they must first succeed in the world of school. Massive parental investment of time and money
seems crucial. Without it, won't your
children fail in both worlds? Indeed, parenting
seems so important that parents appear to face a tragic trade-off: To ensure your
children's academic and professional success, you often have to push them so
hard that they end up resenting you.
But what
makes us so certain that parents' time and money are essential for kids'
success? Most people point to the
obvious fact that successful parents tend to have successful children. Doesn't this prove the power of
upbringing? No. There are always two explanations for family
resemblance. One is upbringing. The other is heredity. Is it possible that success runs in families
not because successful parents invest more in their kids, but because there are
genes for success in school and work?
Unraveling
the effects of upbringing and heredity is usually very difficult. But over the last forty years, researchers
have made astonishing progress by studying families that adopt, and families
with twins. If a child is adopted, then
any family resemblance in success is almost surely due to upbringing. Similarly, if identical twins (who shares all
of their genes) are more similar than fraternal twins (who share only half of
their genes), their extra resemblance is almost surely due to heredity. Researchers have used these twin and adoption
methods to figure out why diplomas and incomes run in families. Their conclusions are shocking: Upbringing is
much less crucial for success than
most of us believe.
Let's start
with educational success. In the 1950s,
the Holt family set up a charity to help American families adopt disadvantaged
Koreans. The adopting families were
unusually diverse: Applicants had to be married for at least three years, 25-45
years old, have no more than four children, and have earnings 25% or more above
the poverty line. Decades later, economist
Bruce Sacerdote tracked down over 1600 of the Korean adoptees to see how much
their adopting families influenced their success. The effects were tiny. If a mother had an extra year of education,
her Korean adoptee finished five extra weeks of school; if a family had one
extra child, its adoptee finished six fewer weeks of school. Richer families and richer neighborhoods made
no difference at all. Another study of
over two thousand Swedish adoptees found that moms mattered even less, and dads
mattered a little more.
If parents
matter so little for success in school, why does it run in families? Heredity.
When twin researchers compare identical to fraternal twins, they find
that identical twins are much more
similar in their educational success.
One major study looked at about two thousand pairs of American twins who
served in World War II, and their children.
Suppose you were separated from your identical twin at birth. This veteran twin study implied that if you
finished more schooling than four people out of five, the identical twin you
never met would typically finish more schooling than three people out of
four. The effect of nurture, in
contrast, was modest: If you were raised by an unskilled worker instead of a
professional or manager, you typically finished one fewer year of school; if
you had one extra sibling, you typically finished seven fewer weeks. A big study of Australian twins' education confirmed
the power of nature and the limits of nurture.
Small, well-educated families boost their kids' schooling by months, not
years.
For many
parents, admittedly, education is only a means to an end; they push academic
success because they think it's the path to financial success. Counter-intuitively, though, the effect of
parenting on income is even smaller than the effect of parenting on
schooling. In the Korean adoption study,
adoptees raised by the richest families earned no more than adoptees raised by
the poorest families. Richer
neighborhoods didn't help either. The
only factor that made even a slight difference was family size: every sibling
seemed to cut adult income by 4%. The
Swedish adoption study found a slightly larger effect, but still not much: If
your dad made 10% more money, you make 1% more when you grow
up.
Perhaps
most impressively, though, a recent working paper by New York University's
David Cesarini uses the Swedish Twin Registry to track the lifetime earnings of
over 5000 men born between 1926 and 1958.
Cesarini finds that parents have a modest effect on the earnings of men
in their early twenties. But after the
age of 25, the effect of upbringing on earnings vanishes. When children first become adults, their
parents might help them find a good job - or support them so they don't have to
work. Before long, however, young adults
get on their own two feet - and stay there.
Parents
clearly try mightily to help their kids succeed. They buy educational toys, read bedtime
stories, pay for expensive preschools, help them with their homework, reward
them for good grades, and shame them for bad.
They preach the value of hard work and persistence, praise high-earning
occupations like doctor and engineer, pressure their kids not to major in
poetry, and help them find their first jobs.
The surprising lesson of the science of success is that parents' toil
bears little fruit. Your kids would have
been about as successful in school and work if they'd been raised by a very
different family.
This
doesn't mean that severe child neglect or abject poverty is harmless. Twin and adoption studies focus on normal
families that meet their children's basic needs. Researchers' don't ask, "Would this child
have turned out differently if he were raised by wolves?" They ask, "Would this child have turned our
differently if he were raised by one of the other families we studied?" When researchers report "no effect of family
income on education," this doesn't mean that hungry kids learn as well as kids
with full bellies. It means that even
the poorest families under observation were good enough to allow their children
to reach their potential.
The right
lesson to take away from twin and adoption research is that parents can relax without hurting their
kids' future. Once you provide the
basics, your children's success is largely in their hands, not yours. Of course, if you and your kids enjoy reading
bedtime stories, working on school projects, and watching the financial news
together, that's wonderful. But if you
and your children aren't having fun, the science of success shows that you can
safely give yourselves a break.
Pushing
kids less isn't just easier for parents; it's usually better for the whole
family. Riding your children "for their
own good" has little effect on their future success. But it damages one important outcome over
which parents have much control: How your kids feel about and remember you. In a word, their appreciation.
Twin and
adoption researchers have studied appreciation for decades. Genes play a role; identical twins paint
somewhat similar pictures of their parents and home life even when raised
apart. But upbringing clearly affects
appreciation, too. One recent German twin
study asked about 800 adults raised together to describe their families. How accepting were their father and mother,
and how well did family members get along?
Siblings broadly agreed, but identical twins agreed only modestly more
than fraternal twins. Implication: Much
of the resemblance stems from nurture, not nature. Furthermore, an early study of 1400
middle-aged and elderly Swedish twins shows that the effect of upbringing on
appreciation is very durable. If you
make a loving and harmonious family, your children won't merely be grateful at
the time. The memories you create for
them will likely last a lifetime.
People
often fear that the science of success will be misused. Twin and adoption research seem like handy
excuses for lazy parents. But scaling
back misguided investments isn't "lazy"; it's common sense. If your children's future success is largely
beyond your control, riding them "for their own good" is not just wasteful, but
cruel. The sentimental view that parents
should simply cherish, encourage, and accept their children has science on its
side. Modern parents need to calm down
and reconceive family time as leisure, not work. Having fun with your children may not prepare
them for the future, but there are few more rewarding ways to spend your time.
Don't tell Charles Koch about your title. He might pull some GMU funding.
The big question about parental investment is whether it has a sizable payoff in the next generation. Assuming you and your spouse can't do much about your kid's IQ, what, though, can you do about your grandchildren by helping your kid in the mating market to acquire a better spouse? That's a very big question, but a difficult one to study definitively because the time spans are so long.
If "class" is mostly about whom you are likely to marry, then a lot of parental investment is intended to raise children's class to do better in the marriage market.
For example, I recently had a discussion with a man who met his wife when they were at Harvard together. He told me he would like his child to marry the kind of person who goes to Harvard, but his child is not going to get in just on test scores and GPA. So, he made some quiet inquiries to find out how big a number he'd have to write on a check to the Harvard endowment to move his child from waiting list to acceptance list. He found out the going rate is $5 million. (I've had several other people confirm that number.) Mostly hedge fund guys write that number on a check, not surprisingly.
Now, perhaps the market for Harvard admissions is wholly deluded, but perhaps the market is not. I don't know how to study that question.
The twin and adoption studies are very surprising, I would have expected a peer effect, from differences in where the parents send their kids to school.
Nice stuff. Adding a few bits, admittedly redundant at least in part:
In terms of sheer utility, there a few things you can provide your kids that have more value than a joyous childhood. We only get to be kids -- with all that carefree joy -- for a little while. We have to be responsible adults for *decades.* So maximizing that carefree joy time delivers a lot of utility -- and that in the more-predictable near term.
Plus the parents get all that immediate utility return of having joyous times with their kids -- again in the more-predictable near term.
The utility return on pushing them to be successful adults has to be discounted at least three ways:
1. It probably *has* little or no utility return beyond the value of paying them sufficient attention that they can "live up" to their genes -- so they're not stunted by lack. (And that same amount of attention could be applied to having fun with them, while delivering the same long-term utility return.)
2. They might die young and never extract the (presumed) utility -- wasting all that investment. Carpe diem.
3. The pushing is likely to reduce the parents' long-term utility return (yes, discounted for #2), while having fun increases it (at a much lower discount, because much of the utility is delivered in the nearer term).
I just think there's no greater gift that parents can give to their children (and themselves) than a joyous childhood.
When my kids were little and I faced some parenting decision, I always asked myself, "What effect will this decision have on my kids on the day they get married or graduate from college?" The answer (this even before I'd read Judith Rich Harris, and actually even before I'd had kids) was almost always "none" or "completely imponderable."
Which means more often than not, the answer was "Whatever."
"...parents can relax without hurting their kids' future."
(1) Very few parents push their children only or primarily because they want to maximize their formal education or income. For example, parents push their children into church, boy scouts, table tennis, swimming ...
(2) You're not child psychologist. Although the studies you cite are very important, they are - all - hopelessly indirect arguments for your thesis. For example, if twin study doesn't show strong correlation between family environment and success, you concluded that parents shouldn't push children, because it doesn't work. It is valid conclusion - but only under assumption that modern psychology doesn't know any efficient method for improving child development that wasn't already known - and widely practised in time subjects of the studies were children. Why to assume that?
Kurbla, the reason for assuming that modern child psychology doesn't know anything about how to effectively raise kids is that it keeps changing it's mind re child-rearing (eg don't spoil them with hugs and kisses/kids need lots of love/support their self-esteem/actually that self-esteem thing was meaningless/etc). It's not that good a science yet.
@Kurbla -- ummm, so, the reason switching the kids around to different parents didn't have an effect is because the parents were all studied child psychologists who new all the best practices? The odds of that seem far smaller than Dr. Caplan's conclusion. You might be onto _something_, but it just doesn't seem like that's the magic bullet.
It does raise the question of what they controlled for and didn't control for. For instance, if one put a son of a millionaire into a poor family, assuming both can provide the basics, I would seriously doubt the kid becomes the first millionaire South American industrialist.
So where does the 10,000 hour rule of practice for excellence come into all of this? And how do you explain the rags to riches stories that can and do occur in this country.
The article doesn't argue that hard work doesn't pay off. It just argues that the hard work of the parent doesn't pay off in the success of the child. In other words, if a child wants to be a master pianist the child has to find the discipline to practice several hours a day for years. And rags to riches also comes about through hard work, or just really good luck. And also the phenomenon of rags to riches to rags is not uncommon.
Extremely bad parents (say bottom 0.01%) can lower their children's potential significantly but the studies mentioned don't show this.
Now consider this claim:
Extremely good parents (say top 0.01%) can raise their children's potential significantly but the studies mentioned don't show this.
Obviously, the second claim is much more likely to be wrong, but it isn't refuted by the evidence. What other arguments could be made against it?
eyu100 - actually, Judith Harris speculates that some unusual parents might be able to make the difference, if they have enough kids for the kids to form their own peer group, and have an understanding of how to move the values of that peer group in the way they want. Judith Harris gives the example of a working-class father with 5 daughters who, when being teased by his mates about so many girls, said "You won't be laughing at me when they're all doctors", and wound up with 3 of them doctors and the others in their own high-powered jobs, and all apparently happy well-adjusted individuals. Amongst other things, he banned them from playing with other kids, only with each other. Judith Harris also gives an example of a family with 3 kids who tried something similar and failed.
Though this is anecdotal.
So where does this leave American children who have fallen to rank 27 or 28 out of 29 developed nations in education?
There is a difference between pushing our children and making sure they actually learn something by having them tutored to keep up with the rest of the world.
Is there still enough time to correct typos? I found a minor one. In your sentence:
"They ask, "Would this child have turned our differently if he were raised by one of the other families we studied?" "
Instead of "our", you meant "out", with a "t".