Econlib Resources
Subscribe to EconLog
XML (Full articles)RDF (Excerpts) Feedburner (One-click subscriptions) Subscribe by author
Bryan CaplanDavid Henderson Arnold Kling More
FAQ
(Instructions and more options)
|
|
||||||||
|
|
Blogging software: Powered by Movable Type 4.2.1.
Pictures courtesy of the authors. All opinions expressed on EconLog reflect those of the author or individual commenters, and do not necessarily represent the views or positions of the Library of Economics and Liberty (Econlib) website or its owner, Liberty Fund, Inc.
The cuneiform inscription in the Liberty Fund logo is the
earliest-known written appearance of the word
"freedom" (amagi), or "liberty." It
is taken from a clay document written about 2300 B.C. in the Sumerian city-state of Lagash.
|
||||||||
I like your use of "we" in the last para of "Who is We" (the first essay).
Both the essays are awesome.
There is another sad consequence of using "we" -- the use of the first person makes one more likely to justify the actions being taken or at any rate to be on the defensive. Steven Pinker describes this in his book "Better Angels" in terms of Baumeister and Stillwell's notion of a "moralization gap" as below:
Reference: Advantages of the Moralization Gap: Baumeister, 1997; Baumeister et al., 1990; Stillwell & Baumeister, 1997.
Incidentally, a person I know used "we" to describe the actions of (some) 15th and 16th century European traders/colonists in the Americas.
With regard to WWII and the "lessons of Munich," there are two points I like to make:
1. England and France had interventionist foreign policies--that's why Hitler had to get their permission before acting against Czechoslovakia. Munich is evidence not of the consequences of non-interventionist policy but of badly done interventionist policy.
2. The first time Hitler tried to annex Austria, do you know who stopped him? Mussolini. He moved divisions into the Brenner Pass, and announced that Italy would not tolerate a German annexation of Austria. It was only after the incompetent interventionist policy of the allies in response to Italy's Abyssinian war that Mussolini concluded both that the allies were not his friends and that they were not very dangerous enemies.
My source? The first volume of Churchill's history of the war.
Scott Gibb? Vipul Naik? David Friedman? Gosh it's a small world! Looking forward to more, Dr. Henderson.
@David Friedman,
Thanks on both. Your first point is one I made in my talk. I first learned it from you. Your second point is one I forgot to make but remember hearing from you.
What was Czechloslovakia's foreign policy?
I address "intervention" from yet another point, that of the Just War Doctrine, which I teach at Yorktown University. To justify going to war, the Doctrine says one must satisfy each of the following criteria:
1. Just cause. There are three classical just causes: repel an attack, retake what was unjustly taken, and come to the aid of the victim of an unjust attack. Without a "just cause," the war is illegitimate.
2. Comparative justice. The attacker must be "more just" than the enemy being attacked. The attacker need not be "perfect," nor the attacked "irremediably evil." "More just" is sufficient. However, the difference between the two limits the degree of violence the attacker is justified in using.
3. Right intention. The attacker must intend to achieve the just cause, and no more. Not vengeance, not loot, not enslavement, but only the just cause.
4. Last resort. Every reasonable course of action must have been tried first.
5. Probability of success. There must be a reasonable likelihood that it will be possible to achieve the just cause. Spilling blood in vain would be immoral. However, fighting a hopeless battle against an evil regime might well be considered a "witness" to a just cause (e.g., "Remember the Alamo").
5. Proportionality. The evil resulting from the war must not outweigh the good resulting from the war. However, evil here is not limited to physical evil. A great moral evil might justifiably be overcome, even at great physical cost.
6. Competent authority. The war must be declared by someone who has the lawful authority to do so. Someone who has a superior to whom he can appeal does not have the authority to commit a nation to war.
These are hard criteria to meet; intentionally so. I believe they add a useful but different perspective from the ones discussed above.
@Vipul Naik,
Thank you very much on both comments.
@David Friedman,
I forgot to mention that I quoted you explicitly in my talk.
@sourcreamus,
I don’t understand your question. Could you clarify?
@JoeFromSidney,
Excellent. Two other things to mention: Jus in bello and Jus post bellum. That is, fighting a war justly and acting justly after the war is over. Actually, Wikipedia does a pretty good job of these:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Just_War